If you recall the Viet Nam war, you will recall the traditional view of the war as a “mistake”. You will recall the dreadful effects on American self-confidence in the aftermath. The truth is that Viet Nam was not a mistake, it was a defeat. Defeat, plain and simple: that is the way to correctly assess the meaning of the Vietnamese War. The communists won, the Americans lost. Seen in that light, Viet Nam is made comprehensible. The US military learned from Viet Nam not to allow it to get sucked into wars that the political leadership was not serious about winning. Something vital was learned from defeat.
In the same way I hope that we learn something vital from the economic crisis. Here is my offering.
Regulation as the Friend of Markets
First, regulation is fundamental to the successful operation of markets.
You have been told endlessly by any number of conservative spokesmen that the market must decide, that the market is self-correcting, that prices reflect information, and that consequently less government regulation is a good thing. The ongoing economic doldrums which erupted over the US mortgage blow-out have demonstrated the falsity of these propositions.
Government regulation of the market is essential to the successful operation of markets. They are not self-correcting, any more than hurricanes are. Both are chaotic phenomena.
As Gretchen Morgenson demonstrated in her comprehensive account of how the blowout came to pass, Reckless Endangerment, the US launched itself on a plan to put more minorities into housing. For “minorities” read blacks and Hispanics. In the course of ten or so years, the US banking system systematically was told to ignore risks, and was insulated against bankruptcy by making the taxpayer ultimately responsible for the bad debt so accumulated. When your bonuses depend on producing more crappy loans, you produce more crappy loans.
It was a classic case of what Jane Jacobs argued, in her brilliant little book, Systems of Survival, constituted corruption. Jacobs said that there are two systems of morality at work in society: the guardian and the market. Guardian morality prevails in non-market institutions: churches, regiments, policework, and public office. Corruption occurs when the market seeks to use market-style incentives to influence the guardian system. The classic case is a suitcase of cash to a judge. But Jacobs also argued, just as effectively, that corruption occurs when market institutions are infected with guardian ideas. Making housing more affordable for minorities was the guardian idea. “Let’s get black home ownership figures up” said the politicians. In this case the market was asked and incented to engage in guardian activities. So systematically all the normal rules of prudence in lending were thrown overboard. As Morgenson shows, every regulation that stood in the way of banking disaster was removed. It was as if the ship was dismantled from the inside as it sailed the seas. No wonder it sank.
The US mortgage crisis triggered banking failures, and these stressed the overloaded debt system of European governments.
Public Finances
The second lesson we may take away from the crisis is to clean up our public finances.
Public finance is more a moral than an economic issue.
A welfare state suffers inevitable pressures to spend more than it takes in. A weird dynamic permeates society when we are getting way more government than we are paying for. Excessive public spending skews everything to the Left, because more distributionist and regulatory personnel can be hired at every level of government and society than the productive parts of the economy are paying for. The electoral pressure generated by the government interventionist policies augments the tendency for ever more public expenditure. Thus a spiral of overspending is generated. Ever more public spending is seen as the solution to the growing list of problems the spending itself is creating. The productive and law-abiding parts of society are denigrated. The job-generating productive classes leave.
It does not seem to matter whether it is aircraft carrier groups, welfare payments or arts grants, the moral effect of too much government and too little paying for it seems have a pervasive corrupting effect. People know that the gravy-train cannot go on forever, but have no incentive to stop demanding government programs because there is a first-mover disadvantage.
The sovereign debt crises of Europe are in part the result of a relentless hollowing out of the productive impulses of the few in favour of the comforts of non-competition and the easy life for the many. Democracy is great until the masses learn they can loot the Treasury. In Europe the boomer generation has learned it can loot the Treasury and make the younger generation pay for it in lost jobs, smaller families, uncontrolled Islamic immigration, and future debt.
The United States is in a far better state to handle its crisis in public finance, since its population is expanding and its citizens could afford to pay more taxes. It has been remarked that a 10 cent per gallon tax on gasoline would wipe out the federal deficit.
Here we find ourselves in 2011 awash in public debt. The usual way to finance this is through inflation, which is the printing of money, called “quantitative easing” in Bernanke-speak. Spain, Portugal and Italy may follow Greece into the financial garbage can. Debt holders, including the banks, are going to take a bath. Europe may find itself in the same position as Japan has been since its great property bubble of the 1980s: in decades of underperformance.
Is there any bright side to this gloom?
I think so. It is entirely possible that the debt crisis will cause the break-up of the European currency union and the downfall of the European superstate. It will reward those societies that work hard and save, and it will put societies that do neither through the wringer. The situation of a Greece or Portugal is dreadful, but it is made worse by their having a Euro valued at 100 cents when a national currency might be worth 15 or 25 cents, at which level their economies could be competitive.
In our country, where the public debate has been won for the conservative side, and in the United States, where we are still in the early stage of debate, public finances are the core moral concern of government. The United States cannot continue financing its government expenditure out of foreign borrowing. The failure of the Obama administration to address this issue successfully is evident. The Republicans fare no better; they show little sign of grasping that lower taxes and less government regulation are not the effective paths to dealing with overspending.
I have learned not to pay too much attention to the political debate in the United States: they will shout and scream at each other until the moment they come up with a deal. It is my devout wish that the Democrats will accept that their core constituencies will have to endure the shutting off of public spending spigot, and the Republicans that higher taxes and more vigilant banking regulation are required, as well as a smaller military.
Indeed, as one element of the solution, they might even take a look at the enormous social wreckage and state expenditure entailed by the war on drugs.
One way or another, sound public finances are the moral cornerstone of society, and by that measure, Canada is doing well, and feels itself doing well.